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The
surprise move by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to arrest
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq and name the
House of Representatives politician a suspect in a bribery case centering
on government-run meat importation, has immediately placed the Islamic
party in a difficult situation, particularly because the party has built up
its own image as “clean and professional”.
Nevertheless,
the commission has become an instrument for living up to the public’s high
expectations of corruption eradication. It is not the first time the KPK
has handled a high-profile corruption case involving politicians or public
officials. The stormiest scandal in recent years, for example, involved
former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, who eventually
dragged down a number of elite figures in the ruling party such as former
youth and sports minister Andi Mallarangeng and beauty queen-turned
politician Angelina Sondakh. The KPK has proved that it has the guts to
take on the ruling party, therefore logically, it will likely not
discriminate against politicians from other parties implicated in graft
cases.
Speculation is
rife that Luthfi has fallen victim to a conspiracy involving bigger powers
at play, which intend to annihilate the PKS ahead of the 2014 election. Or
is the graft case involving the PKS chairman just a logical consequence of
the country’s systemic and entrenched corruption? The KPK’s quick move to
name Luthfi a suspect is staggering for many, particularly among PKS
leaders and members.
However, the
KPK would not have taken such a bold decision had it lacked solid evidence.
The conspiracy theories have no basis when the Luthfi case is compared with
the KPK’s move against a number of Democratic Party politicians.
Luthfi is a key
figure within the PKS so his status as a graft suspect has immediately
impacted upon the party. Internally, he could trigger political friction
and the solidity and cohesiveness of the party is now facing a real test.
The PKS’ mainstream faction under Luthfi could be pushed to the periphery.
Internal
conflict within the PKS simply reflects a battle between the “welfare”
faction and the “justice” or “ideological” faction. The former refers to
the mainstream, with a pragmatic and permissive character, while the latter
plays a peripheral role. The analysis may be not entirely appropriate, but
Luthfi’s arrest strengthens the assumption that the “welfare” faction
exists.
However, we
should also remember that the PKS is its own members’ party. It has emerged
as a phenomenal party since the start of reform era. Set up as the Justice
Party (PK) ahead of the 1999 election, it was renamed the PKS in order to
be eligible to contest the 2004 election.
As an Islamic
party with segmented voters, rather than a catch-all party, the PKS’
existence and survival impressed many. Following Luthfi’s arrest, however,
the party has no choice other than to accelerate its political
consolidation. The character of its members is now being put to the test.
The impact of
Luthfi’s implication in a corruption case on the wider public will
undoubtedly increase antiparty sentiment, especially toward the PKS. Public
antipathy looms as a result of corruption committed by party elites.
Nevertheless, public cynicism targeting political parties does not
necessarily decrease the level of public participation in the election.
But what is
specifically distressing for the PKS is the collapse of its “clean and
professional” image the party leaders have been echoing since the formation
of the party. Indeed, the PKS no “party of angels”, but its propaganda
requires it to assume a huge responsibility. The party is now facing
widespread cynicism and its rivals will exploit the corruption case with
pleasure.
In this
context, the PKS elite will obviously be pushed to the limit to fend off
opinions unfavorable to the party, although Luthfi, who has tendered his
resignation as party chairman, will be very cooperative with the KPK.
But it remains
to be seen how the graft case will impact on relations between the PKS and
the government. Will the PKS leave the Joint Secretariat formed by
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono? The chances of that look likely, given
the fact that the PKS has been critical of many strategic policies initiated
by the government. Several times, the party has threatened to leave the
Cabinet, including after Yudhoyono reduced the party’s ministerial seats
from four to three in the 2011 Cabinet reshuffle, but those threats have
never really materialized.
Luthfi’s
corruption case is extraordinary one that can lead to a change in the
attitude of the PKS. Reflecting on the case, the KPK needs to be
consistent when dealing with corruption allegedly committed by politicians,
regardless of their parties. ●
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